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Eugen Dühring and the Jewish Question

Addess at the  Iona London Forum by Dr. Alexander Jacob*

The radical disturbance of European society through the increasing influence and power of the Jews after their emancipation in Germany in the middle of the nineteenth century is witnessed by the publication of a spate of books in Germany towards the end of the century discussing the baneful social effects of the free participation of Jews in Europe.

These works range from Wilhelm Marr’s Der Weg zum Siege des Germanentums über das Judentum (The way to the victory of Germanicism over Judaism), 1879, to Werner Sombart’s Die Juden und das Wirtschaftsleben (The Jews and economic life),1911. Eugen Dühring’s Die Judenfrage (The Jewish question), written in 1881, presents the first comprehensive study of the problem of the rising Jewish mastery of European society and politics. His work is especially valuable in its ability to see through the veneer of culture adopted by the educated Jews and to expose their essential moral turpitude, and avarice, as what he called “descendants of traders in old wardrobes, scraps and cattle-bones”.

 Eugen Dühring was born in Berlin the son of a Prussian bureaucrat and studied law, philosophy and political economy at the University of Berlin. Although he began practice as a lawyer, he was forced to abandon it at the age of 28 when he was blinded through a congenital defect. He then began doctoral studies at the university and took his doctorate in 1861, two years after which he was appointed a lecturer in philosophy and national economy at the University of Berlin. He published works on national economy influenced by the doctrines of the German-American economist Friedrich List and the American Charles Carey, who were in favour of organic economics with a strong emphasis on protectionism and national interest. Already the ethical focus of his economic studies is evidenced in his early work, Der Wert des Lebens (1865). Further publications included his Natürliche Dialektik (1865), Cursus der National- und Socialökonomie (1873), and Cursus der Philosophie (1875). Dühring adopted a critical attitude to the university and its institutions from the start and was soon removed from his teaching post. He attributed this dismissal to the machination of the Jewish elements in the university as well as their influential agents in the press. His later publications as a private scholar included a work on Die Überschätzung Lessings und seine Anwaltschaft für die Juden (The overvaluation of Lessing and his advocacy of the Jews) (1881) and Die Judenfrage (1881). His last works, Waffen, Capital und Arbeit (1906) and Soziale Rettung (1907), were consolidations of his views on social and political economy.

 Unlike other philosophical anti-Semites such as Fichte and Schopenhauer, Dühring was a realist and not an idealist. Indeed, he was against man-made religious institutions on account of what he considered their superstitiousness. However, he never lost sight of the imperative of morality in all his discussions of social and economic philosophy. Dühring’s social ideal was based on a moral cultivation of the individual spirit which would liberate the personality from all external and internal hindrances and allow it to form a vital culture. Of the external hindrances, he considered the exploitative tendencies of social groups such as the Jews to be the most dangerous. The Jewish question, according to Dühring, is indeed not so much a religious one as an anthropological, focussed on the inherent and unchangeable character of the Jewish people. One important feature of Dühring’s anti-Semitism is his clear distinction between the Jews and other Semites, and his consideration of the former as “the most vicious minting of the entire Semitic race”. He considered the Jews to be characterised primarily by self-interest and this self-interest has coloured all of the commercial dealings of the times with its “glorification of cheating, and, in general, the entire celebration of the handsome strategem of cunning exploitation”.[1] Their socio-political strategy has always been a despotical one and even their god was a god of “transcendental terrorism”. The Jewish theocratic ideas of society are based on the enslavement of the Jewish people to their Lord God but they, in turn, must enslave the rest of mankind to please this sole, jealous monarch of the world: “To be a slave or to make slaves – that is the alternative of the peoples disposed to a lack of freedom”. The Jewish religion has thus no truly religious character but, instead, a markedly economic-political one. The Jewish god Jehovah is himself nothing but an embodiment of the Jewish self-interest and represents the opposite of the Indo-European natural pantheon. The Germanic mythology is ruled by concepts of fidelity and nature-bound spirituality which have unfortunately been obscured by the overlaying of the original German moral character by Christianity, a religion which Dühring believed to be unfortunately closely related to the Jewish racial culture in which it arose as a reaction to the evils of the Jewish nature.[2]

 Given the Jews’ natural proclivity for profit-making, it is not surprising that they have, in their extensive wanderings away from their homeland, curried favour with power-holders in all ages through their financial loans. The dangers of moral corruption in society have increased after the emancipation of the Jewry in the sixties and seventies of the nineteenth century through the greater admixture of Jews into European families. The influence of the Jews on society is more evident in the upper and middle classes than in the lower since the former are more exposed to the thoroughly Judaised press and literature of modern times. The unfortunate admittance of Jews into influential positions in European society and politics has allowed them to exploit their own host nations and others through the championing of all sorts of so-called socialist movements that enable them to extract advantages for themselves from disturbed social and economic conditions.

 Their aim in the realm of economics has always been, whether it be through Marx or through Ferdinand Lasalle, to foster economic dissatisfaction through terms such as “class-warfare” in order ultimately to achieve a „merging of all nations into a Jewish kingdom“. But the German state was originally founded on the moral quality of “loyalty”, which was the basis of the feudal system in the Middle Ages. Loyalty should therefore be the source of future German politics as well. This alone will counter the Jewish politics based on “betrayal” – of Europeans as well as, occasionally, of Jews too by themselves. The Jewish infiltration into the legislative activities of the German state after their emancipation has enabled them to herd the German people under the thrall of individualistic “freedom” into the exploitative hands of the Jews. In this they have been abetted by the university professors and intelligentsia, since the latter depend for the most part on the Jewish press for their reputation. The advancement of the Jews from their original pariah status to the leading political positions in the European nations is exemplified by the rise of Gambetta in France and of Disraeli in England. Gambetta indeed rose to power on the basis of a political fiasco – involving Daniel Wilson, the son-in-law of the then president, Jules Grevy – for which his own people were responsible, while Disraeli’s opportunism is manifest in his use of the stock-businesses to acquire foreign lands. The very appointment of a Jew like Disraeli as the head of the English parliament is a sad sign of the degeneration of the English aristocracy in recent times.

 Dühring was firmly against the Marxist doctrine of class-warfare since he considered this to be a subversive strategy that based itself on the opposition between the powerful warrior nobilities of the past and powerless social groups for the advantage of the Jews themselves, who for long constituted an outcast group in European society. I may point out that the significance of this original opposition between the ancient European nobility and the Jews was repeated by Nietzsche in his thesis in The Genealogy of Morality (1881) that the aristocratic morality of the warrior nobility had been inverted by the Jewish “slave revolt in morality” which appeared in the West under the direction of the Christian clergy. But more accurately than Nietzsche who blamed Christianity as much as Judaism for this subversion, Dühring focussed on the Jewish economic models that have transvalued economics through the subordination of the higher to the lower aspirations of the people. In this respect, Dühring’s economic views serve as a corrective also to the latent adulation of Judaism in Max Weber’s influential work The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1904/1920) which derived the “religious” pursuit of economic gain in Western capitalism from Calvinist Protestantism, that is, from Christian ethics. Werner Sombart pointed out in his Die Juden und das Wirtschaftsleben that Puritanism is indeed closely allied to Judaism. But Weber dismissed the contribution of Jews to European capitalism (which had been highlighted by Werner Sombart in his work) as mere “pariah capitalism”, failing to see that it was indeed this latter variety of capitalism, based on the Jewish practice of usury vis-à-vis non-Jews as well as on unscrupulous entrepreneurial innovation and speculation, that would eventually replace the work-ethic of Calvinism as the economic foundation of the West.

 Instead of the Marxist stress on class-warfare, Dühring pointed to the real sympathy that should and could exist between employees and workers as a sound basis for the economic welfare of a country. He proposed free associations of workers that resemble economic communes and corporations which would ensure the access of all to property according to personal capacity. The precondition of such workers‘ coalitions would be the direction of all their efforts to the interests of the whole, of the public as a totality, and this can be effected only when the state enters as a mediator between the several socio-economic interests of the population, which latter cannot be allowed to be represented by political parties since these are not democratic at all but oligarchic groupings in which “a considerable part of the people has a place only as a ruled and mostly anonymous mass”.[3]

 Indeed, like the conservatives of the Weimar Republic such as Oswald Spengler and Edgar Julius Jung, Dühring was completely opposed to the system of parliamentarism since, for instance, the English parties of Tory and Whig were nothing but representatives of belligerent and colonial robbery and capitalistic-commercial rapacity, whereas the French parliament was firmly connected to the financial and stock-exchange interests. Since the egoistic Jewish elements of society had even taken over the so-called Socialist Revolution and represented it in Parliament, Dühring believed that it is necessary to overturn the present state of affairs through a transitional dictatorship formed by an intellectually and morally outstanding individual who would seek to establish social justice in the country.

 If the prime consideration of the state is the totality of the aspirations of the people, its economics should also be nationalistic and employ tariffs to protect its interests. The so-called freedom demanded in modern economics and society is in fact a war-cry mainly of exploitative groups such as the Jews (though Dühring attacked the powerful Junkers, i.e. the lesser nobility, too as exploitative in their rule of the current Prussian society).

 The worst aspect of the Jews’ commercial control of society is that the crass egoism and cruelty of the Jews have seeped into the public through the press and even the legislation. Indeed, “even parts of science which are especially ventured into by the Jews on account of their exclusion from others already reveal in many ways the stamp of the new form of business directed to profit”.[4] Essentially the Jews themselves lack all creative power in science as well as in art and merely trade in the ideas of others. The Jewish economist, David Ricardo, for example, derived his famous ground-rent theory from the Scot James Anderson, the Jewish mathematician, Carl Gustav Jacobi, his ideas from the Norwegian Niels Abel. Even the sole distinguished philosopher of the Jewish race, Spinoza, has produced a system which is singularly lacking in all ideals above rational calculation. The neglect of compassion in his Ethics as a feeling-based category to be overcome by the understanding points to the real cult of intellectual power which lies at the base of his system. Similarly, the Jewish talent in literature is always of a hybrid sort displaying even amidst attempts at Germanic sublimity an irresistible proclivity for buffoonery, as in the case of Heine, and to polemics, as in the case of Boerne. The Jews also lack all heroism of character to produce epic or dramatic literature and can, at best, attain some weak lyricism as revealed in their ancient Psalms. The general unsuitability of the Jews for artistic enterprise is, in fact, located by Dühring in their lack of “that free and unselfish activity of the mind which alone advances to uninterested truth and beauty”. Indeed, as embodiments of self-interest, the Jews are incapable of being really emancipated in spite of the legal emancipation achieved by them in Germany and other parts of Europe in the middle of the nineteenth century.

 At the time of writing his Cursus der Philosophie (1875), Dühring believed that some form of Socialism would be sufficient to counter the egoistic nature of the Jews since socialism is based on the organic sensibility of the local people as opposed to the exploitative activity of the Jews. Moreover, he thought that, since his particular form of Socialism, or Socialitarianism as he called it, would gurarantee the economic independence of women, the latter would not enter into marriages of economic convenience with Jewish men any more. The removal of opportunities for the exploitative activities of the Jews would make possible in the long run “a gradual improvement of the ways of thought and feeling” of the Jews.

 This initial optimism was however soon replaced by a more realistic understanding of the impossibility of the ethical improvement of the Jews. This is evidenced in his discussions of the possible solutions to the Jewish problem in the various editions of the Judenfrage. In the first editions of this work, Dühring maintained first of all that the solutions of the Jewish problem had to be of an international nature in order to have a lasting effect. Given his sharp moralistic focus on the question, one of the major prepatory steps that he suggested was the elimination of the false idea of tolerance. Tolerance of baseness is a contradiction of the principle of human tolerance itself. “Humane reciprocity will consist in living in peace insofar as the nobler humanity comes together in the good. For the rest, however, precisely battle and destruction will emerge so much more energetically against the inhuman”. Similarly, the principle of equality cannot mean the consideration of that which is unequal as equal.

 The economic communes and corporations which Dühring envisaged in his Socialitarian system thus must reserve the right to exclude harmful economic elements like the Jews. The political solution of the Jewish problem lies first in the spiritual emancipation of the people from the Jewish mentality and ethos. But individual natures are too weak to carry out this reformation of society by themselves and so must be helped by the state legislation. The disenfranchisement of the Jews is a sine qua non of all remedial action with regard to the Jewish problem. Their exclusion, internment and deportation must be encouraged. However, Dühring was too realistic to think that the creation of an Israeli state in the Palestine would suffice to solve the Jewish problem. For the Jewish nature is essentially a nomadic one and will soon disperse again throughout the world even if it did concentrate itself in Palestine for a while.

 The specific measures that Dühring suggested against the Jews in the first editions of his work on the Jews included political, economic and social ones. Political representation and occupation of official positions by Jews are to be curtailed immediately in such a way that no Jew can be elected to parliament any more than a Jew can have the right to vote in European elections. The excess number of Jewish judges too must be reduced through forced retirement. The financial measures to be adopted against the Jews should be directed by the knowledge that all Jewish racial economics is based on avarice and the ambition to dominate others. The powerful Jewish financial houses must be mediatised forthwith and placed under state supervision. The social means should at first be focussed on the chief Jewish agent of social influence, the press, wherewith the Jews turn all public opinion into Jewish opinion. Jews must be removed from ownership as well editorial positions of newspapers. Education too must be reoriented in a native German way by the exclusion of Jews from school and university instructorships. Other important social measures against the Jews would be the discouragement of intermarriages between Germans and Jews. At the time of writing the first editions of Die Judenfrage, Dühring believed that popular demonstrations against the Jews would be necessary to compensate for the impotence of the parliamentary parties since they too much connection to Jewish agencies to be effective in any way.

 However, Dühring’s concentration on the Jewish problem during the publication of the several editions of the Judenfrage from 1881 to 1901 made him increasingly more desperate of achieving a lasting solution to the Jewish problem. In the final editions of this work he maintained that the only effective means against them would be terroristic ones while, in the very last edition of the work (1901), he suggested that all the earlier solutions proposed by him would indeed be inadequate in the long run since the Jewish question is essentially what he now called an ‘Existenzfrage’, or a question of Jewish existence itself. The only solution to the Jewish problem that he finally envisaged thus centred on the impossibility of Jewish existence within the European communities any longer.

 Despite the increasing stringency of his treatment of the Jewish problem, the force of Dühring’s condemnation of the Jews was without a doubt derived from his highly developed moral sense. His view of the Jews was one of morally corrupt beings that thrive most in a society where moral corruption has already set in or has begun to set in. This is the justification of his appellation of the Jewish race as a “parasitical” one since it feeds on the moral corruption of the host society, a corruption either created by it or, if already present to some degree, fostered by it. Indeed, like Hitler after him, Dühring considered the Jews to be essentially “criminal natural creatures” characterised by “lies and exploitation … intellectual and material deception”. What is most significant in all his proposed solutions is his keen consciousness that the Jewish question is vitally related to the social health of the German nation, and his desire to re-establish Germanic loyalty and trust as the base of societal development against the frivolity of the Jewish mind and the corruption that creeps under cover of this frivolity. Indeed, Dühring was aware that what is at stake is the very existence, moral and material, of the European peoples, for “if things are not directed, the descendants of traders in old wardrobes, scraps and cattle-bones must get to the very bones of the modern peoples after they have pocketed their wealth and lamed their mind through innoculation”.

 Since Dühring’s proposed anti-Semitic regulations anticipated those of the Third Reich we may briefly consider here the history of his influence on German political activism. Dühring’s economic doctrines had an initial influence on socialists like August Bebel (1840-1913) who, in the journal Volksstaat of 20 March, 1874, described Dühring’s latest economic work as belonging to “the best which the most recent period has brought forth in the economic field”. In 1878, however, Wilhelm Liebknecht, the Jewish Socialist, warned Marx and Engels of Dühring’s anti-Marxist views and thereby encouraged Engels to issue a refutation of Dühring’s doctrines in a work entitled Herr Dührings Umwälzung der Wissenschaft (1878) also called, in short, Anti-Dühring. Dühring reiterated his criticisms of Marx and Lasalle as the Jewish perverters of true socialist doctrine.

 Among the nationalist Germans who came under Dühring’s influence we may mention Matthäus Joksch, a union organiser in Bohemia, who publicly declared in 1900 that Dühring’s teachings represented a total reformation of society “in favour of all honest work, so that capital receives only a moderate remuneration, and in place of the present renting of labour by capital, labour will rent capital”.[5] The most important of the Austrian nationalists who came under the influence of Dühring was Georg Ritter von Schönerer (1842-1921), who spearheaded the nationalist movement in Austria which was the nurturing ground for Hitler’s ideology. In 1887 Schönerer declared in the Deutsche Klub that “we … make no secret regarding anti-Semitism not as a regrettable symptom of disgrace, but as the main prop of national thought, the chief means of promoting a disposition genuinely based on the people, and thus the greatest achievement of the century”.

 Schönerer’s pan-German movement was not quite successful since it was mostly a middle- and lower-middle class movement which did not have the support of the peasants or factory workers nor of the aristocracy and the big industrialists. However, the tenacity of Schönerer’s pan-Germanist movement is revealed in the fact that soon after the disintegration of his own party, there was formed the new German Workers’ Party (Deutsche Arbeiterpartei) in 1903-4, which in turn was the forerunner of the Deutsche National-Sozialistische Arbeiterpartei (DNSAP) of Austria. The social effect of Dühring’s work was continued in the anti-Jewish congresses organised in Germany, first in Dresden in 1882 and then in Chemnitz in 1883. At the latter, a division arose between those who favoured Dühring’s more uncompromising views and the Christian elements at the meeting. However, the movement took on a new impetus from the leadership of Theodor Fritsch in Leipzig, who revitalised it according to the extremist point of view and encouraged the creation of seminal nationalist societies such as the Thule Society and the Germanen Order. Karl Harrer, a member of the Thule Society, was one of the founders of the German National-Sozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP) in 1919.

 One of the early members of the NSDAP and later the official ideologue of the party, Alfred Rosenberg, also wrote a work on the Jewish question very similar to Dühring’s called Die Spur des Juden im Wandel der Zeiten (1920). In it he discusses, first, the historical circumstances of the Jews from the diaspora after the destruction of Jerusalem to their various interventions in modern European politics. The second section deals with the Jewish mentality as revealed in its religious and cultural and economic works. The book ends with a discussion of the Jewish ambitions for economic and political mastery in the world and suggests ways of curbing this tendency forthwith in Germany. For instance, Rosenberg insists that it should be established by German legislation that

 1. The Jews are recognised as a nation living in Germany. Religious confession or lack of confession play no role.

 2. A Jew is one whose parents, father or mother, are Jews by nationality; a Jew is from now on one who has a Jewish spouse.

 3. The Jews do not have the right to indulge in German politics in word, writing and action.

 4. The Jews do not have the right to assume state official positions and to serve in the army either as soldiers or as officers.

 5. The Jews do not have the right to be leaders in political and communal cultural institutions (theatres, galleries, etc.) and to assume professor and instructor positions in German schools and universities.

 6. The Jews do not have the right to participate in political or communal test-, control-, censorship-, etc. commissions. The Jews do not have the right to represent the German Reich in economic conventions, they do not have the right either to be represented in the directorship of the state banks and the communal credit institutions.

 7. Foreign Jews do not have the right to settle permanently in Germany.

 8. Zionism must be powerfully supported in order to promote yearly a certain number of German Jews to Palestine, or, in general, over the borders.[6]

 We note the similarities between Dühring’s anti-Jewish measures and Rosenberg’s since both include exclusion and deportation. However, while Rosenberg considers Zionism as a solution to the Jewish problem, Dühring thought that the creation of an Israeli state would only mean giving the Jewish hydra another head. Dühring’s view has indeed been proved to be right since the state of Israel to this day represents an increasingly intolerable justification of the Jewish international ambition in its manifold forms, financial, social and cultural.

 Hitler himself seems not to have been influenced directly by Dühring’s book so much as by the writings of Dühring’s contemporary, the theologian Paul de Lagarde, who also advocated the expulsion of Jews from the German lands.[7] The most extraordinary value of Dühring’s work on the Jews indeed consists in its prophetic accuracy. His systematic uncovering of the viciousness of the Jewish character and his various suggestions, in the different editions of Die Judenfrage, for the removal of this evil bear the closest resemblance to the increasing anti-Jewish mood, ideological as well as popular, and the actual course of anti-Semitic events in Germany in the thirties and forties. Starting with the laws to exclude the Jews from official positions in 1933, the refusal of citizenship to Jews and prohibition of intermarriages between Jews and Germans in the Nuremberg Citizenship Laws of 1935 and proceeding with the abolishment of Jewish property in the laws of 1938 and an increasing irritation with the very presence of Jews on German soil, the anti-Judaic programmes of the National Socialists were anticipated almost to the last detail by the blind philosopher of Berlin. Between the first appearance of Dühring’s work and the first major political mass-measures taken against the Jews by the National Socialist regime there had elapsed a rather long period of about sixty years. Neither Jews not Jewish sympathisers can blame the Germans for having been too rash in their dealings with a racial group whose social and cultural influence had been philosophically identified as morally criminal. And we note also that the original impetus for the anti-Jewish measures was not, as is often maintained by Jewish historians, some Nietzschean fantasy about predatorial Nordic Aryans but a more basically ethical one.

 The claims of Jewish historians like George Mosse and Donald Niewyk that the brutalisation of German politics was spurred by the defeat of 1918[8] <#_ftn8> are only partially accurate, since the sharp turn of anti-Semitic trends in the Weimar Republic was actually propelled by the blatant arrogation of power by those very Jewish elements whom intellectual anti-Semites from the start had sought to expel from German society through kinder means. The moral corruption associated with Jewish finance and mores showed no signs of improving since the first publication of Dühring’s work but, instead, achieved a giddy triumph at the end of the first World War in the ill-fated Weimar Republc, which was initially established as a Socialist republic by Karl Liebknecht, the Jewish agitator, and conducted in a markedly Jewish social and political climate. It cannot be very surprising to one who is familiar with Dühring’s analysis of the Jewish ethos and its role in modern Germany that the Germans reacted to this ethos with a populist movement such as National Socialism. Those sections of the population which suffered most from the sense of exploitation at the hands of the Jewish economic and social system naturally supported a German nationalist movement which sought in the end to destroy the Jewish evil at its very roots. As Dühring had foretold, “The German, to be sure, moves his limbs mostly only when the usurpations become too malicious; but, if he does that once, then he does that which he undertakes, no matter what, also in a fundamental way”.

 The anti-Jewish measures of the National Socialist movement were thus not a total political aberration but something that had been clearly predicted in advance by philosophical understanding. Historical discussions of Hitler’s regime which puzzle over the extreme measures taken by it against the Jews and Jewish Bolshevism and quickly dismiss it as the product of the monstrous psychological complex of an individual are clearly handicapped by their unfamiliarity with the real philosophical impetuses of an ideological political movement such as the National Socialist one. Peter Pulzer’s suggestion that Hitler was merely relying on “the political effectiveness of anti-Semitism”,[9] for instance, seems not to understand that anti-Semitism was, in its origins, and throughout its career in the early years of this century, not a mere tool in German politics but the very aim of it.

 Unfortunately, the corruption and degeneration of European society that Dühring and the National Socialists attempted to check have proceeded with redoubled vigour after the war, and the enslavement of the European peoples to the Jewish business and vulgarity has become almost complete. The problem of Zionism grows more intolerable every day not only to the Arab neighbours of Israel but to the rest of the world which suffers from the yoke of international financial “gangster democracy”. The Jewish political control of European states is stronger than ever with partially Jewish leaders like Sarkozy and Cameron ruling France and Britain. Popular revolts against the Jewish system are mostly misdirected since most of the so-called nationalist movements in Europe and America today are either infiltrated, or organised, by Jews, as, for example, the Dutch Freedom Party headed by Geert Wilders, the Northern League of Umberto Bossi in Italy, the French ‘Front National’, the British National Party, etc. It is clearly not possible to combat Jewish criminality with Jews from the right, the left or the centre.

 A genuine resistance to the present criminal capitalistic systems of the West can only come through a sharp focus on the Jewish financial and pseudo-intellectual elite of the West. Socially, the European peoples must start, immediately and steadfastly, to curtail the influence of the Jews at the highest levels of their educational and artistic institutions, or their cultural vitality will soon be utterly destroyed. The Europeans must begin to undertand that the Jewish American control of Britain and Europe, lubricated by various spurious offers of financial support, is indeed deadly to the European mind, which has not been permitted, ever since the second world war, to develop naturally, on account of the acute anti-European paranoia that has characterised the ruling Jews since the end of the war. The continuation of the counterfeit Jewish European system will result in the rapid desiccation of the creative energies of the European peoples and the gradual mummification of their thousand-year-old aristocratic culture in museums and commercial reproductions that may fatten the anarchist Jewish financial elite but will not be able to save the descendants of those Europeans who actually produced this culture from the asphyxiating miasma of Marxist and Trotskyist anti-national and anti-spiritual modes of thought that is steadily spreading across the continent.

 The overweening desire of the Jews for political power should be strictly restricted to the modern “promised land” which they have built for themselves in America alongside the reconstructed state of Israel which, I may remind you, was in fact deliberately destroyed by the Romans in the first century A.D because they considered the Jewish nation to be, in Seneca’s words, “sceleratissimae gentis”, “of the most criminal race”.[10] At the same time Europe – and I may add India as well – must free itself of the pernicious interference of the American Jews through a radical break with America and its dangerous NATO alliance, while a closer compensatory union may be forged with Russia instead. No self-respecting European nation can allow itself to be ruled any longer by an internationally avaricious, socially destructive and culturally sterile tribe that Eugen Dühring perceptively recognised through its veneer of western culture as being “the most vicious minting of the entire Semitic race”.


 [1] All translations from Dühring‘s Die Judenfrage are from my edition, Eugen Dühring on the Jews, Brighton: 1994 Press, 1997.

 [2] In his intellectual autobiography, Sache, Leben und Feinde, Dühring points out, for example, that “The belief which Christ demanded was the belief in his person, the blind subjection to the word of the master and prophet, but not the naturally grown fidelity such as lies in the nature of the better peoples and characters” (p.288).

 [3] Kritische Geschichte der Nationaloekonomie und des Sozialismus, p.486.

 [4] Cursus der Philosophie, p.391.

 [5] Quoted in A. Ciller, Vorläufer des Nationalsozialismus, Vienna, 1932, pp.28-9.

 [6] A. Rosenberg, Die Spur des Juden im Wandel der Zeiten, Munich: Verlag Franz Eher Nachfolger, 1939, pp.152f.

 [7] See my translation of Lagarde’s writings in Europa: German Conservative Foreign Policy 1870-1940: Selected Readings, University Press of America, 2002.

 [8] See G. Mosse, “Der erste Weltkrieg und die Brutalisierung der Politik: Betrachtungen über die politische Rechte, den Rassismus, und den deutschen Sonderweg”, in M. Funke, et al, (ed.), Demokratie und Diktatur: Geist und Gestalt in Deutschland und Europa, Düsseldorf, 1987, pp.127-39, and D. Niewyk, “Solving the ‘Jewish Problem’: Continuity and change in German antisemitism, 1871-1945”, Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 35 (1990), p.370.

 [9] See P. Pulzer, The rise of political anti-Semitism, London: Peter Halban, 1988, p.202.

 [10] Cited by Augustine in De Civitate Dei, vi,10.


 *Alexander Jacob, who is of Indian origin, obtained his Master’s in English Literature from the University of Leeds and his Ph.D. in the History of Ideas from the Pennsylvania State University and has been Visiting Fellow at the Departments of Political Science, Philosophy, and English Literature of the University of Toronto.

 His publications include works on natural philosophy:

 The Origins of Indo-European Religion, Historical Review Press, Brighton, Sussex, 2010, ?tman: A Reconstruction of the Solar Cosmology of the Indo-Europeans, ‘Religionswissentschaftliche Texte und Studien’, Georg Olms, Hildesheim, 2005, and De Naturae Natura: A Study of Idealistic Conceptions of Nature and the Unconscious, Franz Steiner, Stuttgart, 1992, 2nd ed. Arktos Media, 2011,

 as well as on political philosophy:

 Nobilitas: A Study of European Aristocratic Philosophy from Ancient Greece to the Early Twentieth Century, University Press of America, Lanham, MD, 2001, and editions of Houston Stewart Chamberlain, Political Ideals (1915), tr. with an Introduction and Notes, University Press of America, Lanham, MD, 2005, Alfred Rosenberg, Political Essays, selected and tr., with an Introduction, Historical Review Press, Brighton, Sussex: 2004, Europa: German Conservative Foreign Policy 1870-1940, Selected Readings, University Press of America, Lanham, MD, 2002, Eugen Dühring on the Jews, 1994 Press, Brighton, Sussex, 1997, Edgar Julius Jung, The Rule of the Inferiour (1930), 2 vols., The Edwin Mellen Press, Lewiston, N.Y., 1995.

One Response

  1. Revilo says:

    Eugen Dühring was correct. We need more translated material (from German) into English from the foremost experts of this ever-present Jewish problem.

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